Looking back at the last 10 years, what are the major achievements of your government on the industrial front?
The core vision of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government over the past decade has been to ensure comprehensive social welfare while taking development and infrastructure to unprecedented heights. We firmly believe that true industrial progress must go hand in hand with social progress.
On the welfare front, we have elevated public health and education systems to global standards. Under the Aardram Mission, 779 primary health centres were transformed into family health centres, and 5,416 Janakeeya Arogya Kendras were established. In education, the Public Education Rejuvenation Mission delivered 639 new school buildings via the Kerala Infrastructure Investment Fund Board (KIIFB) and set up 7,000 robotic laboratories across 2,000 schools.
We strengthened social welfare by increasing pensions from ₹600 to ₹2,000, benefiting 6.2 million beneficiaries. Through the LIFE (Livelihood Inclusion and Financial Empowerment) Mission, we provided secure, concrete homes to 500,000 families. Through targeted, decentralised interventions, Kerala became the first state to eradicate extreme poverty, lifting 64,006 families out of distress.
NITI Aayog’s Multidimensional Poverty Index recognises Kerala as the state with the lowest poverty rate in the country (0.7 per cent). This demonstrates our commitment to an inclusive Kerala.
To drive holistic growth, we developed infrastructure on a scale never before seen. Projects once dismissed as “impossible” — such as the GAIL pipeline, the Edamon–Kochi power highway, and major national highway developments — are now realities thanks to the government’s political will. We upgraded 17,749 kilometres of Public Works Department roads and realised the historic Vizhinjam International Seaport.
Building on this world-class infrastructure and social foundation, Kerala’s industrial sector has grown dramatically. We are rapidly transitioning into a knowledge economy with initiatives like K-FON (Kerala Fibre Optic Network), which has made internet access a basic right for citizens and already serves 100,000 subscribers. Our information technology exports and startup ecosystem are thriving, with over 7,000 startups active in the state.
Through initiatives like the Year of Enterprises, we facilitated the creation of over 300,000 micro, small and medium enterprises and generated more than 750,000 jobs. Coupled with the K-Swift (Kerala Single Window Interface for Fast and Transparent) single-window clearance system, these efforts have propelled the state to the No. 1 rank in ease of doing business, proving that Kerala is a premier destination for modern, inclusive development.
According to the Aayog, Kerala is among the weakest states in terms of fiscal management. What is your take on this?
The real issue is that Kerala has effectively used its resources to improve citizens’ well-being and demonstrate a democratic, secular, and socially inclusive development model, even as the Union government has sought to constrain the state’s finances.
The Aayog’s Fiscal Health Index tends to penalise states that prioritise social spending. Ironically, states at the top of this index often rank lower on social indices, raising questions about what fiscal consolidation alone achieves.
The narrative that Kerala is in a “debt trap” or has weak fiscal management is a deliberate distortion meant to mask coercive federal policies.
Actual data tells a different story.
Over the past five years, the state’s own tax revenue grew 1.8x — from ₹47,661 crore in 2020–21 to ₹83,731 crore in 2025–26 (Revised Estimates) — while the state’s own non-tax revenue grew 2.6x, from ₹7,327 crore to ₹18,761 crore. Revenue self-sufficiency improved, with the state financing about 64 per cent of its revenue expenditure through its own receipts in 2023–24 and 60 per cent in 2024–25 (FY25), exceeding the all-state average.
Kerala’s debt-to-gross state domestic product (GSDP) ratio, which peaked at 38.47 per cent in 2020–21 during the pandemic, has declined steadily to 34.87 per cent in FY25. The interest rate on public debt is lower than GSDP growth, indicating sustainable debt levels.
The Union government has inflated Kerala’s debt figures by misinterpreting Article 293(3) of the Constitution, including borrowings of special purpose vehicles like KIIFB — backed by government guarantees, not direct debt — and even public account balances. This logic is not applied to central agencies like the National Highways Authority of India. Despite these constraints, Kerala has adhered to the Fiscal Responsibility Act, increasing its own revenue and ensuring uninterrupted development.
The recent local body elections witnessed a United Democratic Front (UDF) wave. Do you think that Assembly elections will be different?
Electoral dynamics vary across different tiers of democracy. For Assembly elections, however, Kerala voters prioritise comprehensive governance, systemic development, and a clear vision for the state’s future.
The LDF has a proven track record of delivering on promises. In the previous term, we fulfilled 580 out of 600 manifesto promises, and we are methodically executing the 900 promises made this term. We have decentralised power and funds like no other state, transferring over ₹1.23 trillion to local bodies in the past decade. Through these bodies, we executed the LIFE Mission — delivering over 500,000 homes — and implemented the Extreme Poverty Eradication Project, making Kerala the first state in India with near-zero extreme poverty.
Kerala’s people have seen this government stand with them during floods, the Nipah virus outbreak, and the pandemic. They know the LDF represents a reliable, people-centric Kerala Model. Considering the state’s holistic progress and stability, I am confident the electorate will continue supporting the LDF.
BJP’s vote share has increased in recent times. Is it a cause for concern for LDF and UDF?
Kerala’s social landscape is enriched by the Renaissance legacy and the working-class struggles under the Communist movement. Our state rests on secularism, scientific temper, and communal harmony.
The LDF has historically been the strongest bulwark against the Sangh Parivar’s divisive agenda. While Right-wing forces use resources and false narratives to polarise voters, Kerala’s secular fabric is resilient. Our concern is vigilance, not fear.
The difference between LDF and UDF is ideological clarity. The Congress and UDF have sometimes adopted a “soft Hindutva” stance, allowing leaders to shift towards the Bharatiya Janata Party. The LDF remains firmly opposed to both majoritarian and minoritarian communalism. Kerala’s people know who truly upholds secular values.
We have seen both cooperation and conflict in Centre–state relations over the past 10 years. How do you assess this relationship?
We advocate cooperative federalism. Yet, over the past decade, the Union government has often practised coercive federalism.
Cooperation occurred largely due to Kerala’s strong political will and willingness to bear financial burdens. For example, national highway development had been abandoned under the UDF; our government revived it, covering 25 per cent of land acquisition costs — nearly ₹6,000 crore — a condition not imposed on any other state. The GAIL pipeline was completed with public engagement.
Conflicts arise from attempts to undermine Kerala’s democratic mandate: financial restrictions, misuse of central agencies, denial of disaster relief (e.g., after the Wayanad tragedy), and interference via the Governor’s office. These highlight the need to strengthen and democratise India’s federal structure.
When Congress struggles to project a chief ministerial face, the LDF appears to have clarity. What is the secret behind this leadership stability?
The premise is slightly off. The strength of the LDF lies in not depending solely on a single “chief ministerial face”.
In the LDF, leadership is about executing a collective vision, guided by our manifesto, structured policy discussions, and the collective wisdom of its parties. People trust us because they see a disciplined and united front focused on development and public welfare. When politics prioritises people over personalities, stability and clarity of purpose follow naturally.
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